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Realisation of two adjacent high tones: Acoustic evidence from Northern Sotho


Sabine Zerbian
Etienne Barnard

Abstract

We present findings of a multi-speaker production study that was undertaken to investigate the realisation of two adjacent high tones within the verb word in Northern Sotho, a Southern Bantu language. Experimental tokens are selected to ensure that the high tones originate from different combinations of morphosyntactic constituents. It is found that the morphosyntactic constituency determines how the adjacent high tones are realised. When both high tones originate within either the inflectional stem or the macrostem constituents, a single pitch peak is realised. Additionally, when the macrostem contains two high tones, the tone of the object concord is absorbed into the stem. Two adjacent high tones, of which one stems from the inflectional stem and the other from the macrostem, produce two pitch peaks, with the latter of the two delayed in order to satisfy the Obligatory Contour Principle. These generalisations are supported by acoustic data. A set of rules is formulated that describes the surface realisation of adjacent high tones  in the verbal domain of Northern Sotho (with the exception of one unresolved issue).

Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2010, 28(2): 101–121

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eISSN: 1727-9461
print ISSN: 1607-3614