Africa Insight
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai
<p><em>Africa Insight </em>is a quarterly, peer-reviewed journal of the Africa Institute of South Africa. It is accredited by the South African National Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) and is indexed in the International Bibliography of Social Science (IBSS). It is a multi-disciplinary journal primarily focusing on African Affairs.</p>Africa Institute of South Africaen-USAfrica Insight0256-2804Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the journal.Elections and violent political conflicts in Africa
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282453
<p>No abstract</p>Nicasius Achu Check
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-1153318Integration in the Southern African Development Community Peoples’ Agency, Popular Participation, and Democratisation
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282515
<p>No abstract</p>S. Mataruse
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-11533152154Political and judicial contestations affecting election management in South Africa, Kenya, and Zimbabwe
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282454
<p>The latest elections in South Africa, Kenya, and Zimbabwe suggest that Africa must brace for serious legal and political contestations of election management. The separation of powers principle presupposes a healthy balance between the executive, judiciary, and legislative arms of the state. This seemingly worked well to support the election management bodies (EMBs) from undue interference and meddling by these arms of state before, during, and after elections. However, recent developments in South Africa, Kenya, and Zimbabwe suggest that a slight shift in this arrangement has occurred, and that serious contestations between politicians, the judiciary, and election management have resulted in adulteration of the ‘free, fair, and credible’ principles of conducting elections on the continent. Using a comparative perspective and rational choice approach of institutional theory, this article interrogates the relationships between the judiciary, politicians, and EMBs in the three countries, and evaluates them based on the African Union’s (AU) Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa and the AU’s Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance.</p>Kealeboga J. MaphunyeFrank Lekaba
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-11533923Political trust and electoral integrity Zimbabwe’s 2023 election crisis and its impact on trust and democracy
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282455
<p>This article examines the trust crisis in relation Zimbabwe’s electoral processes, with a specific focus on the tumultuous 2023 elections. It identifies challenges such as biased electoral institutions, violence, media manipulation, and the politicisation of traditional leaders, which have fuelled the pervasive erosion of trust. Drawing parallels between various case studies, the article demonstrates the broader implications of this trust deficit on democratic governance. Zimbabwe’s 2023 elections serve as a case study highlighting issues such as the bias of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, disregarded observer missions, a biased judiciary, security force partiality, and a skewed media environment. The article proposes comprehensive electoral reforms, looking into electoral oversight, civic education and media independence to rebuild trust and fortify Zimbabwe’s electoral integrity, while emphasising<br>the broader implications for democracy and international relations.</p>Ruvimbo Hazel ShayamundaPhemelo Michelle Mashamaite
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-115332450Democracy and elections
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282456
<p>The objective of the study done for this article was to do a comparative analysis of democracy and electoral processes in six African countries. The research results show that Cape Verde, Senegal, and Ghana are more advanced in terms of democracy and electoral process than the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Gabon. Further, a comparative analysis of democratic indices shows that Cape Verde is the best example of democracy and electoral processes. The article encourages the remaining countries to emulate the model of Cape Verde to improve their level of democracy as their economic development depends on this.</p>Wolf Ulrich Akiana MfereKutlwano Mohale
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-115335166Towards strengthening electoral democracy in Africa
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282457
<p>This article reviews the current trends in electoral democracy in Africa and assesses the electoral integrity and governance challenges, to make recommendations for improved electoral integrity and democratic governance in the future. Democracy has been touted as an inclusive system of electoral process and governance that respects universal suffrage. Western nations and post-colonial countries, especially in Africa, have adopted and encouraged democracy as the system of national governance, citing as its advantages inclusivity and respect for the voting rights of citizens in choosing political leaders. Democratic elections are an integral aspect of democracy, but this seems to be declining globally, especially in Africa. Several studies have been conducted on democracy and electoral integrity, without reviewing the trends in electoral democracy to assess the electoral integrity and governance challenges of democracy on the continent. By learning from these experiences, fostering international collaboration, and empowering citizens, Africa can strive towards a future in which electoral integrity is a cornerstone of democracy. The forecasted ratios for 2030 provide insight into the potential trajectories of electoral integrity or governance challenges in select countries and serve as valuable indicators for policymakers and stability in Africa. The article clarifies the broader significance of its findings and recommendations. Improving electoral integrity and governance in Africa is not just about ensuring fair elections; rather, it is about creating a foundation for sustainable development, social cohesion, and long-term political stability in Africa.</p>Emmanuel FundisiRaphael Ane Atanga
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-115336783African democracy under siege? A review of the surge in military coups in Africa
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282478
<p>This article examines the surge in military coups across Africa, focusing on the history, causes, consequences, and potential prevention strategies. With Africa now witnessing the largest number of global coups attempts since 1950, the continent faces a critical threat to democratic aspirations. Political instability, economic challenges, and ethnic tensions contribute to coups, which lead to severe consequences, such as the erosion of civil liberties and human rights abuses. Despite international and regional responses, transitioning from military rule back to democracy poses complex challenges. Prevention strategies include strengthening democratic institutions, addressing economic inequalities and cultivating a culture of democratic values and civic engagement. The article emphasises the need for unified efforts from African nations, the international community, and civil society to protect the future of democratic governance, and advocates for the power of ‘ballots, not bullets.’ </p>Johannes Itai BhanyeBonginkosi Ngwenya
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-115338499South Sudan – Towards a democratic independent state crisis and progress
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282479
<p>South Sudan finds itself in the middle of a persistent humanitarian crisis, with an unstable economic foundation, and preparing for its first elections since breaking away from Sudan through an electoral process in 2011. This article reflects on the post-independence situation, and provides an overview of the humanitarian crisis and the progress made by the ‘state’ since its independence. Based on a systematic literature review, this article argues that South Sudan has not yet established itself as a ‘democratic state’ or as a ‘state’ at all. Further reflection on the state’s delayed and derailed plans to develop a constitution and electoral commission, and its failure to hold its first elections (which were previously scheduled, but then had to be postponed), this article concludes that South Sudan is not yet established as a democratic state. Future enquiries may suggest possible solutions to help the parties involved, stakeholders, and citizens to establish the basis of a democratic state. </p>Chuene Alfred SemonoAboubacar Niambele
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-11533100111Impact of coalitions on stability in Lesotho
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282480
<p>The advent of coalition politics in 2012 ushered a new dynamic into politics in Lesotho. Since the 2012 National Assembly elections, no political party has won an outright majority, which would allow it to form a government alone. In 2012, the Democratic Congress (DC), the then ruling party led by Pakalitha Mosisili, fell short of attaining an outright majority and could not form a coalition with other political parties. Therefore, the first coalition government in Lesotho was formed by the All-Basotho Convention (ABC) Party, the then second largest party led by Thomas Thabane (the Basotho National Party (BNP)), and the Lesotho Congress Party (LCD). This article looks at the impact of coalitions on the instability of governance in Lesotho and examines whether the national reforms process, which is supported by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), has the potential to stabilise the country. It is argued that coalition governments exploit the vulnerabilities of the weak governance institutions. An argument is advanced on the significance of institutional transformation in stabilising the country. The national reforms process is one such opportunity to reconstitute the governance institutions. The article concludes with proposals for policies that would allow for the realisation of the reforms. </p>Litlhare RabeleSofonea Shale
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-11533112130Electronic voting
https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ai/article/view/282481
<p>Electronic voting (e-voting) is seen as a way of solving some of the challenges associated with traditional, paper-based voting, such as providing fast and seamless ballot tabulation and fewer unintentionally spoilt ballots. It is argued that e-voting could mitigate low voter turnout and low participation by young people, who tend to find paper-based voting tedious and prefer much shorter voting systems such as e-voting. The present study draws on desktop research, findings from the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) Voter Participation Survey (VPS), and key informant interview data to assess whether e-voting may be a viable option for use in electoral processes in Africa, and in South Africa in particular. The research concludes that if e-voting were to be implemented by countries across Africa, including South Africa, the transition process would take several years, and would require careful planning and testing. </p>Simangele DlaminiYul Derek DavidsBenjamin James RobertsOluwasuen Ayomipo
Copyright (c) 2024
2024-11-112024-11-11533131151